—
4 January 2016
Deepening divisions as Malaysia stays mired in racial politics
ABOUT THE AUTHOR:
Dr Wong Chin Huat is head of political and social analysis at Penang Institute.
…
The year 2015 will be remembered for the biggest re-alignment of Malaysian politics since 2008’s watershed election.
Seven years on, the opposition coalition Pakatan Rakyat (People’s Alliance) has fallen apart, undone by infighting. And despite some damning exposes of the 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) state fund, Prime Minister Najib Razak now has an even stronger grip on the government and the ruling United Malays National Organisation (UMNO). Lastly, Malaysian society is more divided along ethno-religious lines, making the prospect of a cross-communal electoral wave that may install a new government increasingly remote.
It seems the more things change, the more they stay the same. The question to ask is why. In theory, a new opposition coalition — Pakatan Harapan (Hope Alliance) — formed in September will replace the defunct Pakatan Rakyat, with the position of Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) being taken over by its splinter, Parti Amanah Negara (PAN). In reality, Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) and PAS are still talking about preserving some form of alliance.
At the same time, PAS and UMNO have also been exchanging friendly gestures. This leads to speculation of the two Malay-based parties sleeping in the same camp, which did happen once not long after the 1969 ethnic riots. For some, the opposition’s problems stem from the lack of a clear leader. Since the jailing of opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim in February, no one has been able to command respect across Mr Anwar’s PKR, the Chinese-majority Democratic Action Party (DAP) and PAS.
…
THE MALAY VOTE BANK
Mr Najib is the first Prime Minister to lose the popular vote, even though he kept power. Ironically, the 2013 election might also have educated him on his regime’s strength: The captive and over-represented Malay-Muslim constituency.
…
In the aftermath of the 1969 race riots, Mr Najib’s father, Tun Abdul Razak Hussein, built an electoral one-party state to reverse UMNO’s decline. He constructed the grand coalition of Barisan Nasional (BN) to co-opt all but two opposition parties.
Mr Razak’s ambitious New Economic Policy — with its preferential treatment for bumiputeras for everything from educational opportunities to discount in house purchases — successfully locked the Malay/Bumiputera voters into supporting UMNO and the BN. Today, Mr Najib is surviving powerfully on his father’s legacy despite dwindling support outside UMNO.
…
It is not that the UMNO warlords are deaf to former premier Mahathir Mohamad’s repeated warnings that Mr Najib’s unpopularity may end UMNO’s rule…
The collective-action problem is obvious: How to remove Mr Najib without shaking the party-state?
THE WAY FORWARD
So, what if the UMNO grassroots and ordinary Malays do decide to ditch Mr Najib and UMNO in the next election, which is due by 2018?
…
…Can Mr Najib prevent his ouster?
He can do so now with the National Security Council (NSC), rushed through Parliament in December. The NSC can declare any area to be a “security area” and its commander, titled Director of Operations, can command any government entity including the Election Commission (EC).
…
In fact, Mr Najib’s NSC resembles the National Council of Operations (Mageran) headed by his father to take over executive power in the aftermath of the riot. Both consist of top politicians, top civil servants, military chiefs and police chiefs.
In that sense, Najib has transformed the electoral one-party state to an apparatus convertible for personal rule.
…
There have been other signs of growing racial and religious divisions. In July and December, two mini-riots broke out in two separate digital malls in central Kuala Lumpur, where ethnic-Chinese dealers were accused of cheating Malay customers.
Instead of impartial investigation and law enforcement, the government responded as a patron of Malays, by setting up a new digital mall operated by Malay dealers only.
More instances of communal segregation have taken place in the name of religion. Halal trolleys have been introduced by a hypermart and may be made compulsory for others by the authorities. A Sharia-compliant-only airline was recently launched and the national railway, Keretapi Tanah Melayu, is contemplating the world’s first halal-certified train.
As these ethno-religious divisions run deeper, Malaysians face a collective problem in opposing authoritarianism. What is the way forward?
…
It is not just about changing a leader or a party. It is about constructing a new social coalition for a new political order to replace Mr Najib’s party state. That needs serious consensus building on thorny policy questions such as Islamisation and affirmative action, not just electoral pacts.
Till then, many trends in 2015 may continue into 2016.
http://www.todayonline.com/world/asia/deepening-divisions-malaysia-stays-mired-racial-politics?page=3
—
weehingthong 
Excerpts from TODAY: Deepening divisions as Malaysia stays mired in racial politics
—
4 January 2016
Deepening divisions as Malaysia stays mired in racial politics
@TODAYonline 1h1 hour agoABOUT THE AUTHOR:
Dr Wong Chin Huat is head of political and social analysis at Penang Institute.
…
The year 2015 will be remembered for the biggest re-alignment of Malaysian politics since 2008’s watershed election.
Seven years on, the opposition coalition Pakatan Rakyat (People’s Alliance) has fallen apart, undone by infighting. And despite some damning exposes of the 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) state fund, Prime Minister Najib Razak now has an even stronger grip on the government and the ruling United Malays National Organisation (UMNO). Lastly, Malaysian society is more divided along ethno-religious lines, making the prospect of a cross-communal electoral wave that may install a new government increasingly remote.
It seems the more things change, the more they stay the same. The question to ask is why. In theory, a new opposition coalition — Pakatan Harapan (Hope Alliance) — formed in September will replace the defunct Pakatan Rakyat, with the position of Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) being taken over by its splinter, Parti Amanah Negara (PAN). In reality, Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) and PAS are still talking about preserving some form of alliance.
At the same time, PAS and UMNO have also been exchanging friendly gestures. This leads to speculation of the two Malay-based parties sleeping in the same camp, which did happen once not long after the 1969 ethnic riots. For some, the opposition’s problems stem from the lack of a clear leader. Since the jailing of opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim in February, no one has been able to command respect across Mr Anwar’s PKR, the Chinese-majority Democratic Action Party (DAP) and PAS.
…
THE MALAY VOTE BANK
Mr Najib is the first Prime Minister to lose the popular vote, even though he kept power. Ironically, the 2013 election might also have educated him on his regime’s strength: The captive and over-represented Malay-Muslim constituency.
…
In the aftermath of the 1969 race riots, Mr Najib’s father, Tun Abdul Razak Hussein, built an electoral one-party state to reverse UMNO’s decline. He constructed the grand coalition of Barisan Nasional (BN) to co-opt all but two opposition parties.
Mr Razak’s ambitious New Economic Policy — with its preferential treatment for bumiputeras for everything from educational opportunities to discount in house purchases — successfully locked the Malay/Bumiputera voters into supporting UMNO and the BN. Today, Mr Najib is surviving powerfully on his father’s legacy despite dwindling support outside UMNO.
…
It is not that the UMNO warlords are deaf to former premier Mahathir Mohamad’s repeated warnings that Mr Najib’s unpopularity may end UMNO’s rule…
The collective-action problem is obvious: How to remove Mr Najib without shaking the party-state?
THE WAY FORWARD
So, what if the UMNO grassroots and ordinary Malays do decide to ditch Mr Najib and UMNO in the next election, which is due by 2018?
…
…Can Mr Najib prevent his ouster?
He can do so now with the National Security Council (NSC), rushed through Parliament in December. The NSC can declare any area to be a “security area” and its commander, titled Director of Operations, can command any government entity including the Election Commission (EC).
…
In fact, Mr Najib’s NSC resembles the National Council of Operations (Mageran) headed by his father to take over executive power in the aftermath of the riot. Both consist of top politicians, top civil servants, military chiefs and police chiefs.
In that sense, Najib has transformed the electoral one-party state to an apparatus convertible for personal rule.
…
There have been other signs of growing racial and religious divisions. In July and December, two mini-riots broke out in two separate digital malls in central Kuala Lumpur, where ethnic-Chinese dealers were accused of cheating Malay customers.
Instead of impartial investigation and law enforcement, the government responded as a patron of Malays, by setting up a new digital mall operated by Malay dealers only.
More instances of communal segregation have taken place in the name of religion. Halal trolleys have been introduced by a hypermart and may be made compulsory for others by the authorities. A Sharia-compliant-only airline was recently launched and the national railway, Keretapi Tanah Melayu, is contemplating the world’s first halal-certified train.
As these ethno-religious divisions run deeper, Malaysians face a collective problem in opposing authoritarianism. What is the way forward?
…
It is not just about changing a leader or a party. It is about constructing a new social coalition for a new political order to replace Mr Najib’s party state. That needs serious consensus building on thorny policy questions such as Islamisation and affirmative action, not just electoral pacts.
Till then, many trends in 2015 may continue into 2016.
http://www.todayonline.com/world/asia/deepening-divisions-malaysia-stays-mired-racial-politics?page=3
—
Share this: